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HON, LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, OF OHIO, 



REPLY TO MR. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA, 



DELIVERED 









IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 28, 1855. 




WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE. 
1855. 



FREE LABOR AGAINST SLAVE LABOR. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole 
on the State of the Union — 

Mr. CAMPBELL said: 

Mr. Chairman: It is now past ten o'clock in 
the evening of one of the expiring days of the 
Thirty-Third Congress. I rejoice, as the country 
rejoices, that we so nearly approach the hour of 
its dissolution. The history of this Congress, I 
fear, sir, will prove to the future that we have done 
more of evil than of good. I look back in vain 
upon the pages of its Journals for proof that we 
have done much that is either calculated to pro- 
mote the great interests of our own nation, or the 
cause of humanity at large. It is not my purpose 
now to review our acts in detail. It is enough to 
eay that when this Congress and the present Ad- 
ministration came into power under a pledge to 
economy, it found our National Treasury full to 
overflowing. If measures enough have not already 
passed to drain it, means will be provided before 
next Sabbath morning, not only to draw from the 
sub-Treasury vaults the last dollar of the people, 
but such, sir, I predict, as will compel the Execu- 
tive to call upon the incoming reform Congress to 
issue Treasury notes to enable it to raise the 
means necessary to carry on the Government. 

Again, sir, when we were first convened, that 
sectional strife which had so often disturbed the 
national harmony and endangered the perpetuity 
of the Union had happily subsided, and the whole 
country rested upon the assurance that it had 
secured its long-desired repose. Sir, I cannot, 
without deep emotion, again call attention to the 
condition of public sentiment produced by that 
reckless act of this party, which, regardless of 
plighted farm, and defiant of popular will, repealed 
the Missouri compromise. We came here full of 
hopes of future r.armony — we separate with hearts 
full of fear that the storm which the uncalled-for 
Nebraska act has occasioned will not be allayed 
without serious results to the great interests of our 
common country. If it brings woe to our people, 
let this Administration and its party be held re- 
sponsible, because in every branch of the Govern- 
ment they have held unlimited power. 



Mr. Chairman, I propose to reply to the last 
speech of the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Ste- 
PHBNs] upon the repeal of the Missouri compro- 
mise There are some remarkable incidents con- 
nected with the controversy between us which 
call upon me to do so. That controversy origin- 
ated in the consideration of the bill proposed by the 
gentleman from Indiana [Mr. Mace] to exclude 
slavery from Kansas and Nebraska. When I 
entered this Hall on the 14th day of December, 
the gentleman from Georgia had the floor, and 
was discussing its merits, i had no expectation of 
j embarking in the discussion until, when near the 
J close of his speech, he undertook to prove, in 
! substance, that the labor of a slave in Georgia 
was more successful than the labor of a freeman 
' in Ohio. Sir, this proposition, in such a crisis as 
this, involved a principle worthy the consideration 
j of any statesman in any civilized land upon the 
face of the earth. 

But there were other considerations which 
prompted me to meet the gentleman in controvert- 
i ing so startling an assumption. I had left behind 
me in my native Buckeye-land, where the foot of 
slavery never made its imprint, brothers, kindred, 
true and trusty friends, laboring freemen in every 
branch of industry. I should have been recreant 
to my duty here, false to every impulse of my 
nature, and treacherous to the great cause of human 
freedom, to have permitted the gentleman's com- 
parison and statistics to remain unanswered. I 
obtained the floor after he had spoken his hour 
without any interruption from me, and proceeded 
to reply. I yielded to him in my hour, thirty- 
three timps, as appears by the record retised by 
himself, and I afterwards submitted the reporter s 
notes to him for revision, and such auditions as ha 
chose to make explanatory of his views. Under 
this state of facts, I had reuson to believe the con- 
troversy was closed. But a month afterwards, 
the gentleman again took the floor and delivered 
a premeditated and elaborately prepared assault 
upon my reply, charging among other matters, 
that I had sized his argument to my capacity to reply 
to it ! Sir, it is a matter of iudiilerence to me u 



to how high an estimate the gentleman may place 
upon his " argument," or how low he may scale 
my " capacity " to meet him; this House and the 
country will give to each of us our just level. 
When I arose to correct one of his statements, 
with haughty mien, he replied to me that my in- 
terruption had no pertinence, and then, again, he 
said "Be brief, sir, 1 have no time to spare." 
May I not, under such circumstances, suggest 
that the gentleman discovered that he could not 
"size " his courtesy in debate by the extent of 
the task he sought to perform, in assuming that 
slave labor was superior to free labor! 

Again, sir, the honorable gentleman would seem 
to demand for his statistics and arguments great 
force, for he told us he was " never wrong." I 
cannot set up for myself such infallibility ! 1 am 
often wrong; but in this contest I feel a conscious- 
ness that the right is with me, and until I am satis- 
fied of my error, neither contemptuouscontortions 
of countenance, violent gesticulations, nor high- 
toned annunciation can move me one hair's breadth 
from my position. 

Again, sir, the honorable gentleman seems to 
assume for himself a very elevated position, and 
to assign to me a very humble one. In alluding 
to our controversy of December 14th, he compares 
me to the " wild boy of the forest, with bow and 
arrow, attempting to shoot into the moon !" With- 
out questioning the gentleman's good taste, I sub- 
mit to the stigma of the " wild boy of the forest." 
There is quite as much truth as poetry in it, for 
bears were very plenty 

'' Around the hut where I was born," 
and, in boyhood, it was occasionally my lot to trav- 
erse the forest paths in night's dark hours, when 
the wolf howled behind me. And, Mr. Chairman, 
I shall not controvert the claim which the gentle- 
man's figure sets up — that he is the veritable man 
in the moon ! 1 stood at my desk when the gen- 
tleman delivered his speech, as I am here now, 

" With bended bow, and quiver full of arrows," 
ready to "shoot at folly as it flies," whether to 
the green cheese of the moon, or to the sweet pota- 
toes of Georgia ! 

The honorable gentleman is adroit in his effort 
to escape the consequences of the issues he had 
the temerity to present to this House. I shall 
bring him back to them in due time, after dispos- 
ing of the outside matters he has introduced. I 
quoted him as saying " the South asks nothing,'" 
and he charges me, therefore, with " putting words 
in his mouth which he did not utter!" It is due 
that I should give the gentleman the benefit of his 
language as published in his first speech as revised 
by himself. He said: 

" Hut when did we ever come up and ask any aid fmm 
<).<• Government of the United Stales ? The constant prayer 
hi (be Si.mli to you has been to slay your hands. Jill that, 
we ask of you is, Icrejt your hands out of our pockets. Thai 
is all that the South aski, and we do not £et even that." 

Now, sir, may I not ask whether the gentle- 
man's complaint, about "putting words in his 
mouth," has not for its foundation a mere quibble ? 
The substance of his charge is, that the free States 
have been robbing the South. In what manner 
has this alleged plunder been perpetrated through 
the General Government ? Let us briefly examine. 

Have tot robbed you through our tariff laws ? In 
1816, Mr. Calhoun was the advocate of a protect- 
ive tariff. The free States never demanded protec- 



tion until, under the system proposed by the South, 
they had been induced to invest, in permanent 
manufactories, buildings, and machinery, their 
capital. Then they claimed that, in good faith, 
the system should be continued. In 1824-'28the 
system was advocated by southern statesmen, 
such as Jackson, Benton, Eaton, Richard M. 
Johnson, and others. Besides, sir, every branch 
of southern industry has been as fuily protected 
by all our tariff laws as those of the free States. 
There is no injustice in this branch of Federal 
legislation. If there is, I challenge the gentleman 
to show it. 

Have we robbed you through our improvement laws ? 
I assert, without the fear of contradiction from any 
source, that in all the bills that have ever passed 
Congress for the improvement of rivers and har- 
bors, the slave States have received a much greater 
amount from the National Treasury, according to> 
their Federal representation, than the free States. 
Such was the case last session. It is so now. Ire 
the future, you will not complain if, in this branch 
of legislation, we say, "keep your hands out of our 
pockets !" 

Have we robbed you in expenditures for acquiring 
additional territory ? On a former occasion I as- 
serted that the free States had never asked for the 
acquisition of new territories, and attributed (o 
southern demands all the acquisitions since the 
organization of the Government, to wit: Louisiana, 
Florida, Texas, California, Utah, and New Mex- 
ico, and the Mesilla valley. These annexations, 
the result of southern influence, including the war 
with Mexico, (the fruit of annexation,) cost the 
I Federal Government more than two hundred millions 
of dollars, and furnished a legitimate item in reply 
to the charge of robbery. 

The gentleman goes into an elaborate calcula- 
tion to prove that a portion of this territory is in 
northern latitudes. The truth of this proposition 
does not affect my point. The acquisitions are 
all the result of southern demands upon the Fed- 
eral Government, the purpose being to strengthen 
the political power of slavery, which has always 
been successful. The repeal of the Missouri com- 
promise, and the admission of slavery into Kansas 
and Nebraska, consummate this policy of the 
slave States; because our national history shows 
that no free State has ever yet been formed from 
territory from which slavery had not been posi- 
tively excluded by law. ^ 

Have we robbed you through the postal arrange- 
ments of the General Government? Look, sir, into 
the last page of the President's message and ac- 
companying documents upon our desks. We 
have here the figures of an annual robbery. The 
figures stand thus: 

Slave States, cost of mail transportation $3,087,225 

Slave States, postages, &c, paid 1,487,984 

Deficit .. $599,241 

Free States, postages, &c.,paid $4,393,056 

Free States, cost of mail transportation, &c 2.381,877 

Overpaid $2,011,179 

The free States pay more than $2,000,000 above 
the cost of their mails, whilst your slave States 
(Georgia bein<? a lending defaulter) are annually 
nearly #600 .000 behind. Our people are taxed 
for the letters you receive, and the day is not far 



off when they will say to you, through the solemn 
forms of law, " keen yotMr hands out p/ourjfeca' 

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman's last speech dis- 
closes a purpose to evade the issues of our first 
controversy. I am, therefore, induced to follow 
him briefly in his filibustering wanderings to Cuba. 
He wants to annex that rich Island. Inasmuch as 
Spain will not sell it, he seems to propose that our 
people should become land pirates, and take it 
through the process of throat cutting. In refer- 
ence to our objections to his ideas of acquisition, 
he says: " I see none but an obstinate, fixed, and 
blind dogmatical nonsense .'" And in another part 
of his speech he says: 

(< My record may stand as il is made up. I bavenodi sire 
to change or modify ii in the leaai ; aoi c\ en w crow a t it 
dot nn i. /ft/ it. at it stands, [ am wilting to abide white 
Uoing, ami hit it to abide when dead. [I WSJ BOt mule tur a 

day, or for an election, but tur all time to come.' ' 

Mr. Chairman, the honorable gentleman has 
called attention to his record, with all the solemn 
forms of a " last will and testament !" I had oc- 
casion, on the 14th of December, to look into his 
record, and will now take up other parts of it, 
with a view to ascertain whether he had not as 
well add a codicil, by way of explanation. He 
seems to regard my argument as deficient in power 
compared to his own. 1 choose, therefore, to 
reply to his late demonstration in favor of taking 
Cuba whilst Spain refuses to sell it, by the forcible 
remarks which his record shows he made in this 
Hall on a former and similar occasion. 1 read 
from the Congressional Globe, volume 19, page 
163. During our war with Mexico, an obstacle 
to a treaty of peace was presented in the refusal 
of Mexico to dispose of her territory. On the 
2d of February, 1848, the honorable gentleman 
gave utterance to the following noble sentiments. 
He seems now to repudiate them. 1 have a right 
to appropriate them to my present purpose, and 
to adopt them as my own. By doing so, 1 have 
assurance that 1 quote authority that will com- 
mand from the honorable gentleman more atten- 
tion than the offspring of my own intellect. 

" The sine qn,i non tor peace in the instructions to Mr. 
Trist, was 10 take \i-wMt-xico and California, and pay 
vir,.ui>0,unO or $-211,00(1,000. No man can be mistaken. 
The reason dial peace was not made, washecau-e Mexico 
was unwilling to sell a portion other country; and the 
avowed object in now continuing it, is to compel and ioree 
fcerto make the surrender, "Tin lake the whole of it. 

" Sir, I take, this earliest opportunity of saying that I 
ehall never tax my constituents lor any such object. Ii 
they wish to contribute tie ir substance to snstain a policy 
SO odious and d' testable, so entirely at war with the most 
sacred principles upon which their own Government i=s 
founded, they iiium send sune other person here to lay the 
taxes. ( never shall do it. 

"The President assumes, if I understand his position, 
that the honor and interest of tins country require us to 
make thia demand of Mexico, sir. I wholly dis>ent from 
any such doctrine. The Linor of I his countiy does w>t and 
cannot ictjuiic us to farce and compel ihe people of any 
other to sett theirs. I have, I trust. a> high a regard tot Ihe 
national honor as any man. It is the brightest gem In ihe 
cliaplet of a nation's aJort ; and thete is nothing of whi< h I 
am prouder than the Iul'Ii character for honor tins country 
has acquired throughout the civilized world— that code of 
honoi winch was established i>y Washington and il i 
of the Revolution, and which rests upon truth, justice, and 
honesty, winch is the offspring of virtue and integrity, and 
which is seen in the length and breadth of our land, in all 
the evidences of ar:, and civilization, ami moral advance 
ment. and everything that tends to elevate, dignify, and 
ennoble man. 

"This is the honor of my admiration, and it is made Ol 
'sterner,' purer, nobler •stuff' than that aggressive and j 
degrading, yea, odious principle now avowed, of waging I 



war against a neighboring people to compel than to -■ m 
Up ii country. Who i i>c willing, u • r 

any circumstances, id mjII fits i ounu*) i or my* . i i ia 
ly, II tie Ii i runerkl pile <>t flbi rt ted, I 

would mouni it and expire in Its I 
coerci d by an y power, however great ■ I i 

turrender the land ol my horns, the pis .ny, 

and the graves ol my slrt ■ ! >ir. lbs. prim Ipls i- not only 
dishonorable, bui infamoui, \ thi Repn ■ Dial ■■ upon 

itii— ii->.»r <»i a high-minded and houmabi I t 

repeal, thai Ihe principle ol waging waragiit 
boring people to compel them to sell their cnuntrj 
only dishonorable, bui dl graci ful and Infamous. What ! 
shall ii be said lhal American hnnot almi at nothing hlghac 
Hum (and, than the ground on which we ireadf Down 

look no higher In our aaplrat - tor i or, < 

loulless brutesi Bhall we disavow the simtlitudi u 
Maker, and disgrace the verj name ol man Tell U not to 

I lie world. Let not -il i'h an a- per -ion and « npOSJ 

uui upline, i have beard ol nations whose honor eon 
-iti-tii it with gold, ih-it glittering dust which Ii so prsi loos 
in tin- eyes of some ; but never did I expect to live loses the 
day when tin- Executive ol this country should announce 

lhal mir honor was ,-neli ;t loathsome, bea-lU thine, lhal it 

could not be satisfied witB any achieve nta m arms, 

however brilliant and glorious, but Diust feed <>n earth, 
gross, vile dirt; and require even n pi to be 

robbed of mountain rocks and deetrt plains. I b ■■ 

SUcll notions Of honor ; and I have quite a- little opinion of 

lhal policy winch would spend fifty ot a bundn d millions 
of dollars in compelling the Mexicaqs to lake fifteen or 

twenty millions for New Mexico and California, On the 
score of public interest." 

Mr. Chairman, further back in the gentleman's 
" record," which is to " stand as it is made up," 
1 find wholesome suggestions from him, pertinent 
to his present proposition to take Cuba. In vol. 
1G, page 950, of the Congressional Globe, his 
record shows that he said to the American people, 
from his desk in this Hall: 

" We can only properly enlarge by voluntary accession*, 
and should only attempt to aet upon our neighbor* by setting 
them a good example." 

Again, he repudiates filibustering for other na- 
tions' territories: 

" Fields of blood and carnage may make men brave and 
heroic, but seldom tend to make nations either good, virtu- 
ous, or great." 

Still further back in the pages of the gentle- 
man's " record," by which he abides, " dead or 
alive," he spoke well on the proposition of annex- 
ing Texas. On the25th January, 1845, (Congres- 
sional Globe, vol. 14, page 190,) he is reported as 
follows: 

" Much as he recanted the lu«ter nf the « lone star,' (and 
be would let ii gleam on,) he admired ibe brilliai 
of the present Confederacy of out glorious old » > 

States, as ihey now existed, more. And rather than thai 
snir, shooting from its orbit and coming ii lo oars, should 
produce ronfUidon, lie ► hould say let it gleam on alone, and 
remain where il was." 

It will be remembered that during the pendency 
of the Mexican war the question was rai.-ed here, 
whether we should exact from Mexico any nf her 
territory as a condition of peace. On the 
January, 1847, (Cong Globe, vol. 17, p. 24U,) he 
ofTered in this House the following resolution: 
"Be it therefore rrsolvcd lu the Senate and House of Rep. 

resentntix ■ ' sayrress 

assembled. That ihe preseni «ar with Mexico ' isn I 

wnh a view to conquest, 1 or the dismemb* rue ul ol ibai ■*> 
public by the acquisition ol an] portion ol hertet 

And prior to this resolve (June 16,' 1846, 
Globe, vol. 1"), p. 982) he denounced acq 
of territory: 

" As to the objects of Ihe war, he iii«|inr. ,1 w hat it was 
the intention ol the Ad nration i« do ! Was it to par- 
sue the conquest of Mexico! Was it that irwildii t 
■ tevei in the balls nl ihe Monlexum 
might acquire the Cahloinias and all ihe untung di.lncwas 



6 



well a* the capital of Mexico itself? If so. he was opposed 
toit. He declared himself, in advance, in favor of peace so 
soon as peace could be honorably obtained." 

The gentleman's pertinacity against acquisitions 
of territory was most remarkable. His was the 
firmness of the "noblest Roman of them all." 
On the 10th of February, 1847, (Cong. Globe, vol. 
17, p. 401,) he said, in reference to conquests and 
the war with Mexico: 

" If there were any other object, it was for the direct and 
settled purpose of conquest ; and Mat be believed to have 
been its main object, lie declared himself opposed to the 
conquest and dismemberment of Mexico, either for the ex- 
penses of the war or for the satisfaction or indemnity of 
our citizens." 

He wants Cuba now. He would have our Gov- 
ernment violate or abrogate our solemn treaty with 
Spain, and turn out its reckless adventurers and 
speculators to aid the " oppressed Cubans !" Mr. 
Chairman, there never lived a greater tyrant than 
Santa Anna. Our war with his Government closed 
with the treaty by which we acquired the rich mines 
of California and the vast Territories of Utah and 
New Mexico. How ran the current of the gen- 
tleman's sympathies for the "oppressed" of tyr- 
anny then ? What were his views of an extension 
of our domain? On the 19th of February, 1849, 
(Cong. Globe, vol. 20, p. 557,) the following 
resolution was submitted to this House by one of 
its members from my own State, [Mr. Schenck:] 
. "That the President of the United States be, and he is 
hereby, authorized and instructed to enter forthwith into 
negotiations with the Government of the Republic of Mex- 
ico for the surrender to said Republic of nil the territories 
knoirn as New Mexico and Upper California, or so much 
thereof as li^s west of the Rio Grande, of any title thereto 
which was acquired by the United States under the fifth 
article of the treaty between the United States and Mexico, 
made and concluded at Guadalupe Hidalgo, on the 2d day 
of February, A. D. 1848," &c. 

The vote stood as follows: 

"YEAS— Messrs. Ashmim, Cranston, Crowel, Fisher, 
Giddings, Henry, Horace Mann, Palfrey, Schenck, Ste- 
phens, and Toombs — 11." 

But, sir, I must leave the gentleman voting with 
his "Abolition" friends, and pass from thisbranch 
of his "record." Necessity does not require 
further explorations. I said, on the 14th Decem- 
ber, when I interrogated him on the constitution- 
ality of the Wilmot proviso, that I had confidence 
in him as a constitutional lawyer. I repeat it now, 
in connection with the question of our power to 
annex territories. On the 25th January, 1845, 
(Cong. Globe, vol. 14, page 190,) Mr. Stephens, 
of Georgia, thus defines his position: 

" He denied that the Constitution gives to Congress any 
power, either expressed or implied, to acquire foreign terri 
tory ; or to the treaty making power the right to acquire 
territory for the purpose of extending the Union. He af- 
firmed that the power given to Congress to admit new Stales 
was limited to the then territory of the Union." 

Now, sir, 1 dismiss the points of the gentle- 
man's last speech, and I leave the " record" which 
be has- given us for all time and eternity, too. 1 
cannot learn from it in what way we can annex 
Cuba, if he acquires it, either by purchase or by 
filibustering, without violating the Constitution 
both he and 1 have sworn to support. Glancing 
thus hastily over its pages to learn wisdom on the 
great points of our power to annex territories, 
and then to exclude slavery from them, one might 
very naturally say: 

" Man's a strange animal, and makes use 

Of his own nature, and 111" v. nous arts, 
And likes particularly to produce 

Some new experiments to show his parts .'" 



He presented an argument, in favor of taking 
Cuba, to the people of Ohio, which it is proper 
1 should notice in leaving the subject. He sug- 
gests that we are now required to pay heavy duties 
at Havana, under the laws of Spain, on Ohio pro- 
duce, which would not be required if the island 
were annexed. I wish to say to the gentleman, 
that whatever may be the code of national or indi- 
vidual morals in Georgia, in Ohio we regard 
.American faith as higher than the profits on flour, 
and principle dearer to us than the value of pork ! 
The Ohio farmer will not consent to cut the 
throat, or shoot out the brains of a Spanish sub- 
ject in Cuba, on the gentleman's promise that he 
shall make two shillings more of profit on his pig f 

Mr. Chairman, I propose now to go back to the 
original issues which the gentleman presented in 
his first speech. They involved: 1, the constitu- 
tionality; 2, the expediency of excluding slavery 
from our national Territories by an act of Con- 
gress. I have no desire to discuss self-evident 
propositions, «r those that are admitted by my 
adversary. Slavery is the antagonist of liberty. 
In the abstract, it is admitted to be a wrong, hence 
remarks on this point are needless. Upon the 
question of the power of Congress over Terri- 
tories, under the Constitution, there has been 
ground for dispute; but on the 14th of December 
the gentleman certainly united in my repudiation 
of the doctrine that we should give to the people 
of a Territory unlimited sovereignty. He de- 
nounced what is termed "squatter sovereignty," 
thereby making an issue with those who aided 
him to pass the Nebraska bill, and not with me. 
On these points I pass him over to those who 
went for that bill on the ground that it secured to 
the people of the Territories the right of self- 
government, and the privilege of "regulating all 
their affairs in their own way." 

I held that Congress had constitutional power 
to exclude slavery, and sought to fortify myself 
by the action of our great statesmen, as well as 
the opinion of the gentleman. To be sure, sir, he 
was rather hvistical in the course of my cross-ex- 
amination, and said that he-had never expressed 
an opinion on this point, either here or before his 
constituents. 1 resorted, then, to that "record," 
and proved that he had exercised the power, and 
voted — in the Texas resolutions — to deprive the 
people of a Territory of the right to hold slaves, 
and to withhold from them the privilege of toler- 
ating slavery under any State ronstitution they 
might adopt. My high estimate of the gentleman's 
integrity and ability forbade me from supposing 
that he had willfully violated the Constitution he 
had sworn to support; and I assumed that he 
agreed with me that Congress had power to legis- 
late for the exclusion of slavery from Territories. 
He did not dispute the assumption. Sir, I shall 
hold him to the point I established. He is a dis- 
tinguished leader among southern members. His 
admissions have not been denied on this floor by 
southern members. Two months have elapsed, 
and no southern newspaper that I have seen has 
denied their correctness. I have, therefore, the 
| right now to assume — and shall assume — that the 
South, and especially members from the State of 
Georgia, unite with me, as the gentleman did, in 
acknowledging the constitutional tight of Congress 
to exclude slavery from all the Territories of the 
Federal Government. 



Mr. BAILEY, of Georgia. I have seen the 
liberality of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Camp- 
bkll] in extending, on being interrupted, the priv- 
ilege to explain and to answer. He knows well 
enough that on the floor I have never nought to 
intrude on the time or attention of any one; but 
from reference having been made to Georgia, I ask 
him to allow me the privilege of speaking briefly 
on this eubject. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. I have much to say and 
but little time. If the gentleman repudiates the 
positions of his colleague, he can say so in a word, 
and place himself right on the record. 

Mr. BAILEY. 1 wish to say that I not only 
repudiate that position of my colleague, [Mr. 
Stephens,] but a great many other positions of 
his. 

[Mr. Bailey proceeded to define his position at 
length, stating that he believed the people of 
Georgia also repudiated the positions of his col- 
league, [Mr. Stephens.] 

Mr. CAMPBELL. On this branch of the sub- 
ject I have no longer any controversy with the 
gentleman's colleague, [Mr. Stephens.] We 
seem to have come together on the great question 
which underlies the whole difficulty, the constitu- 
tional poicer of Congress to exclude slavery from Ter- 
ritories. He joins me, too, in denouncing the 
doctrine of " squatter sovereignty," as asserted 
by the friends of the Nebraska bill. If the gentle- 
man [Mr. Bailey] joins issue with us, I transfer 
his colleague [Mr. Stephens] to him. They may 
have their contest before the people of Georgia. 

Mr. SEWARD, of Georgia. I ask the gentle- 
man to allow me a moment. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Do you indorse the posi- 
tions of your colleague, [Mr. Stephens?] 

Mr. SEWARD. No sir; I do not. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Then I turn him over to 
you also. Fight it out in Georgia. I carry on no 
controversy with your colleague further than we 
may disagree. 

Mr. SEWARD here expressed his regret that 
his colleague [Mr. Stephens] had not defined his 
position more promptly, and proceeded to define 
his own position, closing with the remark that in 
a particular contingency in reference to the right 
of slavery in Territories, &c, he was willing to 
see this Government rent asunder. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. AH these threats of dis- 
solving the Union since the repeal of the Missouri 
compromise have become, in the free States, 
"stale, flat, and unprofitable!" They do not 
frighten anybody. Much as our people may have 
loved the Union, they have pretty generally made 
up their minds for the future, if this Union is to be 
perpetuated, it shall not be for the purpose of ex- 
tending slavery into free Territories. Southern 
gentlemen may stick a pin there! 

I have no design to interfere in any contest these 
honorable gentlemen from Georgia may get up 
among themselves. They may " regulate their 
domestic institution in theirown way," and I will 
look on with entire complacency. The honorable 
gentleman to whom I reply. [Mr. Stephens,] has 
substantially indorsed my positions as to the con- 
stitutional power of Congress to exclude slavery 
from Territories. I have proved by his " record" 
that we have no power to sustain his proposition 
to annex Cuba, as he now proposes, without viola- 



ting the Constitution w« have solemnly sworn to 
support. 

Mr. WRIGHT, of Mississippi. If the gentle- 
man denies the powerof Congress to annex Cuba, 
I auk him to explain his resolution of last session 
for the annexation of the CanadaH, A •-. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. The gentleman from Mis- 
sissippi cannot involve me in an inconsistency. 
My record, here and at home, is straightforward 
for the promotion of freedom, without proposing 
to violate the Constitution, or the rightH of the 
South. The resolution to which he alludes, sub- 
mitted by meat the last session, simply authorized 
negotiations to be opened, to ascertain on what 
terms we might acquire the British Provinces in 
North America, in an honefit and peaceful way. 
It merely presented the inquiry, M What do you 
ask for them?" without committing Congress to 
an agreement to pay the price that might be de- 
manded, or to annexation. It was a resolution 
of inquiry merely. Besides, Mr. Chairman, I 
thought that, inasmuch as the slave States had so 
often found power under the Constitution tonnnex 
the Territories of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, 
California, Utah, New Mexico, and the Messilla 
valley — wading us through rivers of blood, and 
expendingmillionsupon millionsfromthe National 
Treasury to accomplish their purposes — and are 
even now willing to have a war with Spain for the 
acquisition of Cuba, to increase the slave power 
of the Union, we, of the free States, might ven- 
ture to make an honest, quiet, and peaceful inquiry 
as to the terms upon which we might extend our 
area of freedom northward. Mr. Jefferson de- 
clared the acquisition of Louisiana to be an act 
beyond the powers of the Constitution. The 
gentleman from Georgia agreed with him, as I 
have shown. The acquisition of Louisiana waa 
justified only on that principle known as the 
" higher law" of national necessity. Every ac- 
quisition since that finds no other authority than 
in the principles of that " higher law." My posi- 
tion is, that if the Constitution justifies acquisi- 
tions southward for slavery, it justifies them north- 
ward for freedom ! If the slave States act upon a 
principle of " higher law" than the Constitution, 
the free States (being equal copartners in the firm 
known as " The Union") have a right to adopt it 
as the rule of their action. And, Mr. Chairman, 
I intend to assert that right. The Constitution 
was formed with an implied understanding that 
no additional territory was to be annexed, and no 
new slave States admitted into this Union. The 
spirit of the instrument has oftentimes been vio- 
lated by the friends of slavery; their "strict con- 
struction" arguments are only advanced when 
they fear the onward march of freedom. 

Mr. Chairman, gentlemen apply the taunt of 
"Abolitionist" on this floor, and seek to effect 
their purposes by engendering prejudices. For my 
own part, I have to say that I have always hitherto 
been a Whig. Now, that the Whig party seema 
to have been numbered with the "things that were 
and are not," and the faithless Democracy has 
gone down below the point to which it is supposed 
the arm of resurrection can reach, I shall prefer to 
have my position known, now and hereafter, br 
the principles I may avow. I shall hold myself 
independent of every political organization which 
would interfere wilh the progress of justice, or put 
in jeopardy the great cause of American hberlj 



8 



or national honor. On this troublesome question 
of slavery I fortify my position by the opinions 
of southern statesmen — of Georgia politicians 

Mr. BAILEY, of Georgia. Name them. 

Mr. CAMPBELL. Your patriots of 1776, of 
the day that tried men's souls — the first colonists 
of Georgia — those who fought for our liberties. 
And, recently, your colleague, [Mr. Stephens,] 
who seems to have played the part of the flying 
Parthian, thro wing his arrow at his antagonist, then 
trusting to the fleetness of his horse for safety. 
But the gentleman has left his record behind him. 
On the 25th of January, 1845, he is thus reported: 

" As a southern man anil Georgian, he protested against 
the correspondence of the Secretary of State on this subject. 
The institution of slavery was a domestic one, and the Sec- 
retary of State sought to make it a national one. He ob- 
jectedto calling on this Government to strengthen the insti- 
tution of slavery." 

Your institution of slavery is local. We deny 
the right of the free States, or of the General Gov- 
ernment, to abolish or interfere with it, in the 
States where it is tolerated, and we deny your 
right to authorize its extension or its support 
through the power of the Federal Government, 
either by direct or indirect means. The Consti- 
tution confers no power on this subject, except 
for the reclamation of your fugitive slaves, and I 
regard any law to carry out that power, which 
denies the right of jury trial, not only as unjust, 
but practically inefficient. 

[At this point a running discussion took place 
between Mr. Bailey, of Georgia, and Mr. Camp- 
bell, in reference to trial by jury in the case of 
fugitive slaves.] 

Mr. CAMPBELL. I come now, Mr. Chair- 
man, to the consideration of the only point pre- 
sented by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. 
Stephens,] in his first speech, on which we appear 
to be at issue. That is, theexpediency of extend- 
ing slavery, the comparative merits of free and 
slave labor, and the relative prosperity of free and 
Blave States. The responsibility of such a com- 
parison does not rest upon me, and I remind the 
House that the gentleman invited the investiga- 
tion in his first speech, and followed it up vigor- 
ously in his last. 1 pursue it in no sectional or 
unkind spirit, but solely with a view to present 
fairly such facts as should direct us in legislation 
for the establishment of institutions in our unset- 
tled Territories. 

It may be well, sir, to ascertain, before we pro- 
vide for the increase of slave States- or promote 
the interest of slave labor, the number of American 
citizens who have a substantial interest in slavery. 

The census shows the number of whites in the 
Blave States to be 6,222,418. 

Number of slaveholders 347,525 

Number owning less than five slaves 174,503 

Number owning five and more slaves 173,023 



It is a fact worthy of attention, that whilst the 
whole couniry is constantly being disturbed by 
this institution, there are, of the 211,000,000, only 
173,000 who own five slaves or more. In the 
Blave States alone, the number of persons who 
do not own a single slave is 5,874 893; whilst the 
number of slaveholders is only 347,525. These 
figures prove either that a large majority of the 
people of the slave States are opposed to holding 



slaves on a principle, or agree with me, that even 
there free labor would be more profitable. The 
correctness of this conclusion can only be ques- 
tioned on the ground that the mass are too poor 
to own even one slave — an assertion which I am 
not disposed to make. 

There are twenty millions of our people, there- 
fore, interested in free labor, and only one third of 
a million who have property in slaves. Is it wise, 
is it just, that this interest of the few, which con- 
flicts with the interests of the great mass, as well 
as the genius of our Government, should be pro- 
moted by national legislation? The gentleman 
assailed the statistical facts which I presented on 
a former occasion. I shall not now confine my 
tables to thecensus returnsfrom Georgia and Ohio. 
With a purpose to test more fully the merits of 
free and slave labor, I have carefully compiled 
tables, drawing the line between the free and slave 
States. In presenting the results, I refer to the 
pages of the Compendium of the Census, from 
which my figures have been taken. 

MANUFACTURED, MINING AND MECHANIC ARTS, (page 179.) 

Capital Raw Hands Product, 

invested. material, employed. 

Free States $430,240,051 $465,844,092 950.573 $842,285,058 
Slave States, 95,029,879 86,190,639 160,627 165,423,027 

$335,210,172 $379,653,453 789,946 $676,862,031 



The excess of profit in the free States, it will 
be seen, is nearly seven hundred millions or 

DOLLARS. 

In connection with our manufacturing establish- 
ments much is said about northern slavery. True, 
sir, we have made slaves of our rivers and our 
mountain cascades. The Connecticut, and the 
Merrimack, the Miamis, and all the tributaries 
of the Mississippi, the mountain streamlets, are 
made to work in supplying the wants of man. Even 
now Niagara's cataract, with more power than is 
contained in the bones and sinews of all the Afri- 
cans on earth, is being enchained and reduced to 
servitude by northern energy, for the benefit of 
man. 

Closely allied to the mechanical interest is the 
invention of labor-saving implements, &c. By 
reference to the list of patents granted, I find 

issued to the free States 13,944 

issued to the slave States 2,396 

NUMBER OF PERSONS ATTENDING SCHOOL, AND PER CENT. 
OF WHITE POPULATION, (Page 144.) 

Number of pupils. Percentage. 

Free States 3,017,954 22.03 

Slave States 970,396 15.46 

Number Ratio for every ont 

of Schools. thousand whites. 

Free States 02,433 4,683 

Slave States 18,507 2,972 

LIBRARIES, OTHER THAN PRIVATE, INCLUDING SCHOOL, 
COLLEGE, AND CHURCH, (page 159.) 

Number. Volumes. 

Free States 14,893 3,847,617 

Slave States 713 654,194 

NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS, (plge 156.) 

Number. Annual circulation. 

Free States 1,800 331,523,281 

Slave States 704 81,033,033 

Difference 1,096 253,485,248 



9 



RATIO Of ILMTKKATK TO NATIVE WHITE POPULATION, 

(page 153 i 

Slave States B.37 per cent. 

Free States 3.40 per cent. 

RATIO, OK ILLITKBATS a Mo no FOBJ ION! M, (page 153. J 

Fret) Btates., 9.09 per cent, 

Ulave States 6.35 percent, 

COMI'AKA TIVK RATIO OP IUJTERATI AMDS,; KATIVI I IND 

KOKEIUNERS, UVtllTBIMl \ 1 .A R - , (] ► . 1 y • ■ 152.) 

Native. Fon 

Slave States 17.23 per cent. 10.69 percent, 

Free States 4.13 per cent. L5.15 per cent, 

I"KR CENT. RATIO OP W HI I '■ I I.I.I TK It A TK TO TOTAL Will l'K 

POPULATION, (page 152.) 
Stave Slates. Free Slates. Georgia. Ohio. 

8.27 3.36 8.99 3.19 

It ia worthy of remark thnt the State from which 
the gentleman comes, who institutes these inqui- 
ries, is ahead of the average of slave States in 
" illiterate" persons, whilst Ohio, the State he se- 
lected for comparison, is below the average of the 
free States. 

CRIME — PRISON STATISTICS. 

The gentleman goes into the statistics of crime, 
and claims a successful comparison. The result 
of his statistics might be answered by the well 
known fact that offenses are more promptly and 
severely punished in the free States than in the 
South. But there are other facts worthy of pre- 
sentation, connected with the statistics of crime, in 
the present state of public feeling, in regard to 
foreign emigration. The census tables prove 
remarkable facts. The tables of illiterate show 
that the foreign emigrants of the South are more 
intelligent than those of the North, and yet the 
percentage of crime among the foreigners in slave 
States is double that in the free States. The ratio 
of white persons imprisoned out of every ten 
thousand, in the free States, (page 1Gb',) is: 

Foreign-born 5.868 

Native born 1.991 

I have the official reports of the board of Gov- 
ernors of the alms-house of the city of New 
York, for the last year, which furnish important 
disclosures. I quote the following figures: 

.American. Foreign. 

City prison, received 1853 6,303 99,329 

Work house 1853 382 1,236 

Penitentiary, lllaclc well's Island, received 

from January 1, 185-1, to December 9, 

1854 833 2,720 

Total 7 518 26,235 

The inference the gentleman would seem todraw 
that crime is more frequent under a system of free 
labor than of slave labor, is simply preposterous, 
" blind dogmatic nonsense !" Much of the crime in 
the North is perpetrated by convicts sent to our 
shores from foreign countries. In proof of this, I 
submit the following extract from the New York 
Times of December 24: 

" yesterday in irnina n highly important arrest of twelve 
convict*, sent to tin- Untied States ai lite expense of Ihe 
Belgian Gnv< rnment, was effected by Sergeant Hell of the 
Mayor's office, and officers Newman ami Preude. 

"During iic- past two years a large number of English 
felons have arrived here from Botany Bay, whom the an 
thorites of the < nd World liberated from confinement, and 
paid their patsnge tn this port to gel rid of them. In Ihe 
course of the past summer, about fifty of these notorious 



thieves were captured and retui I. Their crimes 

ranged from petll larcenii - lu i ib ■ rli ■ un thi 

The United State. i consul el Antwerp n 

wrote to Collector Etedfil Id, of tht a'y of New 

York, as follows: 

" it has been dl bui isd In Un thm 

whetbei ll would no) be bettei Uto tin I .-■• i Stale 

at 0oi rumen! 
tain tin-in at tome." 

1 present these facts for the twofold purpose of 
meeting the gentleman's criminal statistics, and of 
Calling the attention of our people to the outrages 

which foreign Governments are perpetrating in 

turning loose their cut-throats upon our nhorts. 

PAUPKP.S. 

The census tables show the following results: 

IfttM Foreign. Total. 

Slave States 16, III 1,849 91,961 

FreeStates 50,014 113,703 

More than three fourths of the paupers in the 
slave States are native-born; in the free Slatee 
nearly three fifths are foreign-born. The same 
general facts I have mentioned in reference to 
foreign criminals sent to northern cities apply to 
the pauper statistics. 

During the year 18f>3, there were admitted into 
two institutions of New York city, (Bellevue hos- 
pital and the alms-house,) as slated in the report 
before me: 

Foreigners 5,797 

Americans 1,236 

During the same time the city authorities fur 
nished relief to the " out-door poor:" 

Foreigners 30,341 

Americans 5,030 

In this connection I submit a statement of 
pauperism in 1850, in several of the free States: 

Foreign. 

Massachusetts 9,947 

New York 40.580 

Pennsylvania 5,635 

Rhode Island 1.115 









GEORGIA AND OHIO. 

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman has again pressed 
upon us his comparison of Georgia and Ohio 
prosperity, and assails the tallies I presented, show- 
ing the value of agricultural products of the two 
States on the basis of New York city prices. He 
protests against Ohio hay at sixteen dollars per 
ton, yet I have the Cincinnati prices current, pub- 
lished a few days after he delivered his last speech, 
showing that it was then selling in that city at 
seventeen dollars pe: ton. He is startled, and 
becomes nervous over the fact, that Ohio hay alone 
amounts to more than the cotton of Georgia. He 
complains, too, that I put down his Georgia sweet 
potatoes at fifty cents per bushel, and claims them 
to be worth two dollars in New York, Hie 
Georgia sweet potatoes are a perishable product, 
and during the short period they might I 
article of commerce, and enter into the ex] 
Georgia, or into ihe general consumption of the 
Slate, they are not worth more in New York than 
ihe raie I affirmed in my former table. 

B it, sir, 1 have prepared another lable, includ- 
ing every product returned fry tk: ctmus, taking the 



10 



prices current of New York of the 25th January, 
which I have preserved to fix the value, which 
the census does not furnish. To accommodate 
him I have rated his sweet potatoes at two dollars 
per bushel, although that figure presents the ab- 
surdity of giving Georgia nearly as much credit 
for her sweet potatoes as for her great staple of 
cotton. I leave Ohio hay at sixteen dollars, (less 
than the Cincinnati price, whence it is shipped to 
southern ports in large quantities.) Whatever 
sneers the gentleman may have for Ohio hay, and 
powerful as may be his eloquence in portraying 
Georgia's success in corn-shucks, it is nevertheless 
unquestionably true that the quantity of hay 
produced in Ohio, as returned by the census, 
estimated at Cincinnati prices, is six millions of | 
dollars ahead of the cotton crop of Georgia esti- 
mated at New York city prices! If the census 
tables are erroneous as to the quantity of products, 
it is not my fault, for it was the gentleman who 
commenced this comparison and referred me to 
these tables. As to his offset of " corn blades," I 
have only to say, that common sense ought to 
prove to any mind that Ohio, with fifty millions 
of bushels of Indian corn, must produce nearly 
twice the quantity of "shucks," " blades," and 
" fodder," of Georgia, with her thirty millions of 
bushels. I' have no time to spend on the insig- 
nificant question of Georgia corn blades. I pre- 
sume the gentleman will next set up the superior- 
ity of Georgia thunderj I cannot forbear quoting, 
for the amusement of western farmers, the gentle- 
man's description of the Georgia system of agri- 
culture. He says: 

" We grow an immense amount of grais in Georgia; hut 
ire d> not save it ! We yut our labor in saving corn blades 
and shucks !" 

This is Georgia progress ! She permits the " im- 
mense quantities of grass" to go to waste, because 
she is too busy in gathering shucks! In Ohio, one 
laborer, with a patent mower, will cut down and 
save hay which will furnish as much sustenance 
to stock as one hundred slaves in Georgia could 
save in gathering shucks. But, sir, I have inquired 
into this Georgia grass business! A southern 
planter, on this floor, (whose name I promised not 
to give,) gave me an account of the manner in 
which " immense quantities of grass" are pro- 
duced. He went home from Congress, and one 
of his head darkies escorted him out to the corn- 
fields. The grass was higher than the corn, and 
he charged the boy with having neglected the crop. 
Sambo readily replied, " Not much corn, massa; 
but mighty nice crop of grass!" Georgia, doubt- 
less, produces the " immense quantities of grass" 
in like manner. 

I submit, as an appendix, the table of agricul- 
tural products of the two Stales. I take the New 
York prices as the basis, for the reason that it is 
the head of the market of this country, and quite 
as accessible for the transportation of the surplus 
products of Ohio as those of Georgia. The gentle- 
man may quote Smith and McCullough till doom's- 
day, and siill fail of success in proving that the 
prosperity of any community ought to be meas- 
ured by the amount of its products if consumed 
within its own limits. In comparing the success 
of two Slates, the only just rule is to take a com- 
mon market whither the surplus products of the 
labor of both are exported and sold. The gentle- 
man makes nothing by parading the figures which 



I hastily gave him some years ago, which merely 
presented the then supposed rates of Ohio produce 
upon our farms. My table for both Georgia and 
Ohio products is predicated upon the current prices 
in the city of New York, as reported a few days 
after the gentleman's last speech, and I credit 
Georgia $14,000,000 for sweet potatoes, not a 
bushel of which ever enter that market — a product 
which either rots upon her soil, or is eaten up by 
her negroes. Still, the agricultural products of 
Ohio, including live-stock, stand ahead of Georgia 
nearly one hundred millions of dollars ! 

LIVE-STOCK. 

The gentleman says theccmparison of live-stock 
is "still more favorable to Georgia." I propose 
to penetrate this point a little deeper than the gentle- 
man has probed it. Live-stock, by the census 
tables, stands thus: 

Ohio. Georgia. 

Horses and mules 466,810 208,710 

Cattle 1,358,947 1 ,097,528 

Swine 1,964,770 2, 158,617 

Sheep 3,94-2,929 560,435 

7,733,456 4,035,290 

Singular as it may appear, the census justifies 
the gentleman in boasting that his State has a 
greater number of hogs than Ohio ! What sort of 
hogs are they, and what do you do with them? 
Thousands of fatted hogs and bullocks are taken 
weekly into the New York market from Ohio, but 
who ever heard of such an animal there from 
Georgia? If one were introduced there, Barnum 
would have him in his museum in Itss than 
twenty-four hours ! I would like to know of the 
gentleman to what market out of the State Georgia 
sends her fat beeves and hogs? If she exports, 
why is it that Ohio pork is often sent to Georgia? 
I have before me a report of the trade and com- 
merce of Cincinnati for the past year, made to the 
Chamber of Commerce, by which it is shown 
that the value of exports from that city alone of 
pork in barrels, and other products of the hog, 
amounted to upwards of $9,000,000. 

Again, sir, many of the identical hnrses and 
mules which make up the gentleman's "favorable 
table" are the product of Ohio, driven to and sold 
in Georgia. Will thegentleman claim that horses 
and mules are raised in Georgia and exported ? If 
he does, 1 ask where are they sant? 

The number of hogs in Ohio has fallen off since 
the census of 1840. The reason is easily explained. 
We have a greater number of sheep tnan Georgia 
has of horses, mules, cattle, sheep, and swine! 
The hog produces no wool! Our farmers have 
reduced their stock of swine and increased their 
herds of sheep. The annual product of wool is 
immense. It amounts to $3,500,000— $500,000 
more than the entire product of Georgia in wool, 
and in woolen, cotton, and iron manufactures! I 
present this fact to demonstrate that the value of 
live-stock depends upon the product, and not upon 
the quantity in numbers. This rule will apply 
more forcibly to neat cattle. In numbers, Georgia 
appears to have nearly as many cattle as Ohio. 
The great question is, where are the profits ? Take 
the articles of butter and cheese, products from 
the dairies. The value of Ohio's products in these 

two little items is §8,971,333 

Of Georgia's only 932,908 



11 



Showing that Georgia, with more thnn three 
fourths the number of cattle held in Ohio, pro- 
duces less thnn one ninth part of the hotter find 
cheese of that State. The product of Ohio, in 
butter nnd cheese alone, is four times as great as 
the entire product of Georgia in the manufactured 
of wool, cotton, and iron, which the gentleman haw 
paraded. And, sir, it is greater than the entire 
product of Georgia in manufactures, mining, and 
mechanic arts, as exhibited in table page 17'.). 

MANUFACTURES, ETC. 

The gentleman complains "of my former tabic 
under this head, and seemingly charges me with 
misrepresentation. By reference to the table, (page 
179,) he would have observed, under the caption 
of "products of manufactures, mining, and the 
mechanic arts," the figures precisely as 1 gave 
them, and he would have observed, too, the per 
cent, profit of the two States in these important 
branches of industry. I stand by the table bo 
objectionable to him, and reinsert it here, referring 
him to page 179: 

MANUFACTURES, ETC. 
Capital Raw JJnnual Per ct. 

invested. material. jnroduct. jrrofit. 

Ohio $29,019,538 $34,677,937 $62,647,259 49.97 

Georgia 5,460,483 3 404,917 £086,585 36 06 

Ohio ahead.. $23,559,055 $31,273,020 $55,560,734 13.91 



I will give the footings of the table of iron man- 
ufactures: 

I . >.il RAW I'Todud. 

nun/i, int**tei 

Ohio BM #3(731 

i in ; 



Ohio ahead... 9H ,'07.105 

Deduct entire product of woolen sad eotton 
manoiacuii ■• li 



Lravcs < 9,113 371 



It shows the net profit under free labor to be 
thirty-three per cent, greater than under slave 
labor. I wish him to mark that; and I challenge 
him to show a single erroneous figure. It embraces 
atl establishments in bnth States in which there was 
an annual product of $500. I submit to every fair 
mind, whether the genileman has treated the table 
fairly, and whether he has not attempted to bolster 
up his sickly cause by charging misrepresentation 
upon my speech, at the same time he was sending 
forth, through his own, garbled or detached por- 
tions of the returns. 

The gentleman has invited me, by his imputa- 
tions, to an exposition of his conclusions, which, 
he says, are " never wrong." Now, sir, how has 
heattempted to prove that Georgia's labor in man- 
ufactures is more profitable than that of Ohio? 
Instead of taking the table on page 179, which 
includes every branch in both States, he turns 
over to page 180, and takes the isolated interests 
of manufactures of wool and cotton. He adopts 
his " sliding scale" again; sliding in those figures 
which make for him, and sliding nut those which 
are against him. In cotton and wool, he finds 
Georgia profits ahead of Ohio; there he stops, and 
tlidesout everything else; at the same time, charg- 
ing error to my figures, which included every 
branch, whether in favor of or against ftee labor. 
By a different combination of figures, under his 
sliding scale, he might have made his case much 
Stronger In regard to manufactures, he says: 

" I havenot looked inti the manufacture of iron, in v e 
how the result would stand, because Georgia has very little 
capit;:l invented in It at business, aud Ohio hag certainly 
not enough in make it a matter of great importance there." 

Now, sir, it is a remarkable fact that he "did 
not look into the manufacture of iron." By open- 
ing the Compendium of the Census, you will ob- 
serve the cotton and wool tables, which he exam- 
ined thoroughly, on the one side, and those of 
iron on the other — (pages 180, 181.) 



The product of iron manufactures in Ohio almost 
doubles the entire product of all the manufactures 
of wool, cotton, and iron in Georgia. It in not 
surprising, therefore, that it was inconvenirni for 

the gentleman " to aee how the result would 
stand !" How he regarded it proper to parade 
cotton and woolen manufactures as consequential, 
and then assert in this House, with the tallies be- 
fore his eye as to iron, that " Ohio has certainly 
not enough to make it a matter of great importance 
there," passes my comprehension. It may nccord 
with the gentleman's ideas of statesmanship to 
consider a grave question in such a manner; but, 
using his own language, " I nail his tables to the 
counter as base coin !" 

whisky. 
Mr. Chairman, in my former tables I took no 
account of distilleries. This branch of manufac- 
tures is not everywhere regarded as creditable. I 
introduce the " institution" now because the gen- 
tleman has alluded to it, and wish to say that, 
although we make it extensively, theie is not 
much of it drank in Ohio. We send heavy ex- 
ports to Georgia. Large quantities, I am told, 
are sent to the Yankees, down East, who color 
it with log-wood, put it in bottles, labeled hand- 
somely, call it " London Dock," " Old Oiard," 
&c, &c.,and find a read v market for it in Georgia 
and the South at two dollars per bott'e. Thegen- 
tleman could not procure data upon which to make 
his calculations. [ submit a table, because the 
exports from distilleries and breweries, in Ohio, 
form a very heavy item. I have estimated the 
grain consumed at the market prices in Ohio and 
in Georgia, and the ale and whisky at the prices 
in New York, as adopted in the table of agricul- 
tural products. The following is the result: 

E<t,,l,li^h- Capital Raw material. Product. 
mtn/i. emftwj ■' '• 

Ohio 58 M/.OO 

Georgia 8 9,230 99^650 94,189 



50 



- 



The excess of Ohio's product, in this branch of 
manufactures, over Georgia, is more thnn double 
the entire product of Georgia in the manufactures 
of wool, cotton, and iron. 
The annual product of Ohio, In butter, chre«c,nn<l wl -* y, 

is II., 

Annual product of Georgia, m ail brand 
manufactures, minim, and ml chanic an 
p •■• 179,1 |J " 

Ohio, butter, cheese, and whisky, nh> a I 

Mr. Chairman fc I have not felt the necessity of 



12 



introducing this whisky argument, but it struck 
me as the proper material with which to " wash 
out" the gentleman 's figures. Besides, sir, it is an 
"institution," a " peculiar institution !" We have 
the same right so to dignify it that the people of the 
South have to call slavery an institution ! Whisky, 
like slavery, is peculiar, too. It would be difficult 
to determine which of these institutions has done 
most to produce human wo. I have read argu- 
ments delivered from the sacred desk to show that 
slavery is a divine institution ! Ifl had time I might 
quote as siong proofs from holy writ to show that 
•whisky, tGo, is a divine institution. It is written, 
Zachariah ix, 17: 

"How great is His goodness, and how great is His 
beauty. Cum shall make the young men cheerful, and 
new wine the maids." 

My crude opinion on the divinity of these two 
peculiar institutions is, that they are the inven- 
tions of man instigated by the devil ! 

Having presented a just comparison of the man- 
ufacturing interests of Georgia and Ohio, 1 will 
exhibit a single county in my State. Ohio con- 
tains eighty-seven counties: 

The annual product of Hamilton county, Ohio, (page 295,) 
in manufactures alone, and having only two Represent 
atives on this floor, is §20,790,743 

Whole annual product in manufactures, mining 
and mechanic arts, in the slave Stales of Geor- 
gia, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, 
and Texas, (page 179,) having twenty live 
Representatives in this House, and twelve 
Senators 16,930,810 

One county in Ohio ahead of six slave Slates.. ,$3,859 933 



Having greased out the gentleman's "never 
wrong" figures with the butte of Ohio, washed 
out the grease spot with our whisky, and beaten, 
with a surplus of nearly four millions, the entire 
product, in manufactures, mining and mechanic arts, 
of six of his sovereign States with slave labor, l>y 
the product, in manufactures, of a single county in 
Ohio with free labor, 1 bid adieu to his tables on 
this point. 

CHURCHES. 

The table, page 138, shows: 

Ohio has churches to every 100 square miles 9.86 

Georgia has churches to every 1C0 square miles 3.21 

Ohio ahead three to one. 

Table on page 13b'-7, shows churches having 
accommodations for the following numbers: 

Ohio 1,457,769, ratio to population 75.100 

Georgia.. 633,992, ratio to population, (part slave,) 69. 100 

The table, page 139, shows the average value 
of churches: 

Ohio " $1,4-8 00 

Georgia 713 00 j 

$775 00 

Ohio ahead in church comforts more than two ' 
to one. 

Mr. DeRowV note (same page ) says, " the New 
England and Middle States, and the Territories [ 
and California, have nearly the same average | 
value to their churches, which is nearly four 
nin.s that of other sections." 

One of the hip. nest days in man's life is that on. 
which he leads CO l he altar and weds the oiiject of 
his tenclerext affections. Another of his happy 
duys, imturaliy succeeding this, is that on which j 



he receives into his arms his first-born ! I cannot 
say that the gentleman will appreciate this sug- 
gestion; but I present the following table from the 
census to show, that according to this test, the 
people of Ohio enjoy a higher degree of happiness 
than those of Georgia. 

MARRIAGES AND BIRTHS IN 1850. 

Married. Born, 

Ohio 22,328 56.884 

Georgia 4,977 15,239 

Ohio ahead in marriagesjnd babies !... 17,351 41,645 

The father has days of deep anxiety — none 
more so than when he watches the developments 
of his infant to ascertain whether its organs are 
perfect. Can it see ? 

PROPORTION OF BLIND WHITE POPULATION — 1850. 

Ohio l to 3,103. 

Georgia 1 to 2,328. 

Georgia ahead in blindness! 

Then again, even though the child be blind, the 
more deeply interesting inquiry follows: Has it 
sensi ? The returns in the census show the follow- 
ing: 

PROPORTION OF IDIOT WHITE POPDLATION — 1850. 

Ohio, 1 to 1,455. 

Georgia 1 to 1,013. 

Georgia decidedly ahead in fools! 

Now, Mr. Chairman, 1 have no disposition to 
discuss the physical causes which produce these 
wonderful results. 1 leave it to others to inquire 
whether the difference in the character of the labor 
of the two sections has not an agency in producing 
these consequences. 

Mr. Chairman, it strikes me that this whole 
question as to the superiority of slave labor, 
started by the gentleman, is really settled against 
him by a sensible consideration of the figures 
quoted by him in his first speech, from the census, 
1 will present the table: 

AREA OF THE STATES OF OnlO AND GEOROIA, ETC. 

Total Jlvres Value. Acres 

acres. improved. unimproved. 

Ohio ...18,017,493 9,851,493 $358,758,603 *8,14G,00O 

Georgia 23,821,379 6,378,479 95,753,445 16,442,900 



5,803,886 3,473,014 $263,005,158 *8,2yG,900 

It appears that more than two thirds of the ter- 
ritory of Georgia, an old State, is unimproved — 
more than half of Ohio, a young State, is improved. 
Why is this? Georgia, more than a century set- 
tled, has only ei^hf Representatives on this floor, 
with the advantage of a representation based on 
her property in slaves. Ohio, half a century set- 
tled, has, without a slavery representation, twenty- 
one members ! 

Ohio farms are valued at. $36 41 per acre. 

Georgia farms are valued at 15 01 per acre. 

What occasions (his vast difference? If Geor- 
gia agriculture, under slave labor, is as profitable 
as Ohio agriculture, under free labor, why does 
not capital seek investments in Georgia lands and 
elevate their value? If slavery produces a pros- 
perity in Georgia excelling that of Ohio, why are 
your lands worth, in the market cf the world, less 
than one half the value of those in Ohio? 

The gentleman tells us, and attempts to prove, 
that the Georgia fanners, manufacturers, and 



13 



mechanics make a greater profit upon their invest- 
ments than those of Ohio. If that lie true, let him 
explain why it is that Ohio lands are worth one 
hundred and fifty per cent, more than (hope of hit 
Stale. lie may talk about the " wild boy of the 
forest shooting at the moon," but the country will 
look upon /us tables as mere " moonshine," and 
as " spurious in their elements and composition," 
until he explains the cause of the difference in the 
value of the soil. Capital always inns in that 
channel which gives it most profit. The soil of 
Ohio produces, under free labor, to its farmers and 
artisans who own it, a greater profit, at thirtv-six 
dollars per acre, than that of Georgia does at fifteen 
dollars. The value of the soil is a just criterion 
by which to compare the two systems. Free labor 
stands at (hirtysix — slave labor nljiftttn! 

Mr. Chairman, this issue which the gentleman 
has now so boldly presented, with a view to keep- 
ing open the doorfor theadmission of slavery into 
free Territories, is by no means a new one. The 
time was — aye, the good olden time — when the 
patriots of the South took a correct view of the 
proposition. I have only time to quote a few 
passages from the record. As early as 1774, the 
patriots of Virginia everywhere resolved against 
slave labor, giving the most forcible reasons for 
their opposition. In Culpeper county they assem- 
bled 7ih July, 1774. Henry Pendleton was mod- 
erator, (American Archives, 1st vol., 4th series, p. 
523) They unanimously 

" Resolved, That the importing slave* and cnnvicl ser- 
vants is injurious to this Colony, as it obstruct* the popula- 
tion of it rrith freemen anil useful manufacturers ; and that 
tee u-i I not buy any such slaves or convict servants hereafter 
to be imported." 

The keen faculties and philanthropic spirit of 
these patriots enabled them to foresee, and guard 
against, those fatal causes which would reduce 
Georgia soil, with slavery upon it, to fifteen dollars 
per acre, whilst that of the then unbroken wilder- 
ness, inhabited only by savages and wild beasts, 
would be brought up to thirty dollars, if the foot 
of the slave should not be allowed to make its 
imprint there. 

Again, to bring the matter nearer to the gen- 
tleman's home: General Oglethorpe was the first 
Governorof Georgia. He crossed the briny ocean 
to join the infant Colonies of America in laying 
deep and strong the foundations of American lib- 
erty. I quote his letter from the life of Granville 
Sharp, page 157: 

Cranham Ball, October 13, 1T7G. 

My friends and I settled the Colony of Georgia, and by 
charter were established trustees to make laws, Stc. We 
determined not to suffer slavery there, (which is against the 
Gospel as well as the fundamental law of England,) to be 
authori/.'d under nur authority ; we refused, as trustees, In 
make a law permitting such a horrid crime. The Govern- 
ment, finding the trustees resolved firmly not to concur with 
what lliey thought unjust, took away the charter, by which 
no law could be passed without our consent. 

The cruel custom of a private man being supported in 
exercising more power over the man he affirms to have 
bought as a slave, than the magistrate has over him. the 
master, is a solecism in politics. This, I think, was taken 
from the Romans. The horrid cruelty which that proud 
nation showed in all they did. give such power to in B 
of slaves that they confused even the State. 

******* 

I am exceedingly glnd that you have entered the list in 
opposition to these horrors. It is a proper lime to bring 
these abominable abuses under consideration, and if those 
who have the power of legislation will be admonished, and 



ram ■ ' 'in in, n in i) save ih< m and m from lastly menaced 
nun. \ out moo •<!•• diet I 

J OGLETHORPE. 

Would it not now lie wrll fur < ieorgiaM (who 
alone have the power over their institution of 
slavery) to take the advice of the old patriarch 
who established their Colony* and bring "these 
abominable abusea undi lion f" 

Againi eir, (aea American Archive*,) the Pro- 
vincial Congress of Georgia, on the 4th day of 
.fulv, I77.">, resolved unanimously : 

'• 'I'ti.it VI will nr Hit Import nr pun hate eny ttave Irm- 
portcd Jium .7/1 i oi el ,■ ■•'. lay." 

For the same reasons, the Provincial f'ongreaa 
of Georgia, held at Darten on the [2th January, 
1775, resolved i" manumit iluir tlavul 

1 commend to the gentleman from Georgia the 
study of the earl y hlMory of hit State, as well as 
the example — which the record shows — her purest 
patriots have left for him, for me, and the world. 

A word or two, sir, in connection with this 
matter, ns to Virginia. A meeting was held in 
yonder city, on the bank of the Potomac, (Alex- 
andria,) in July, 1774, (see American Archives, 
p. 600.) The report shows that " (Icar^e Wash- 
ingtt », Esgutre," presided. A resolution similar 
to that which I have quoted from Culpeper was 
passed unanimously. 

But slavery was not driven from the Old Domin- 
ion. Now mark the result of the prediction of 
the men of '74, that it would "obstruct the popula- 
tion of it with freemen ami usefitl manxifaeturen." 

A few days ago a meeting was held in that same 
city of Alexandria, in full view of this Capitol. 
One of Virginia's most talented and gifted sons 
addressed the multitude. His days had been spent 
within her borders, and he stands high in the esti- 
mation of her people. Recently he had traversed 
the State, as a candidate for their highest honors. 
He was fresh from her mountain scenes, her plains, 
her fields, her cities, her harbors, and her great 
rivers. Henry A. Wise uttered, at Alexandria, 
in the hearing of many Senators and Represent- 
atives, the following beautiful but sad description 
of Virginia: 

" You have the line of the Alleghany, that beautiful blue 
ridge which stands placed there by the Almighty imt to ob- 
struct the way of the people to market, but placed then m 
the very bounty of Providence to milk the clouds, to make 
the »we< i springs which are sources of your rivers, fl.'r.-at 
applause.] And at the he ad of every stream il the water- 
fall murmuring the very manic of y oar power. [Applause.] 
And yet commerce baa long ago spread her sail- ami -ailed 
away from >"u ; you have not, as yet, dug more than coal 
enough to warm yourselves at your own hearths ; yon have 
set no tilt hammer of Vulcan to strike blows worthy ofgoda 
in the iron founderies. Ynu have not yet span more wan 
codrse cotton enough, in the way of manufacture, to clothe 
your own slaves. Fou have haii.no commerce, no min- 
ing, no manufacture s. Fou have relied alone on the single 

DOWei of agriculture i and such agriculture : Threat Isu-li- 

ter.] Your sedge patches outshine the sun. xoor inatten- 
tion to your only source of wealth has scared the very 
bosom of mother earth. [Laughter.] Instead of having to 

feed Cattle on a thousand bills, you have to chase the stump 
tailed steer through the sedge patches to procure a tough 

beefsteak. [Laughter.] 

I have heard from a Virginian, Mr. Chairman, 
the rich story of the manner in which the" stump- 
tailed steer" was pursued, and finally captured by 
those in quest of a " tough beefsteak." The " big 
niggers and the little niggers, the big dogs and the 
little dogs, (from I iwn to Pen.) wtreall 

summoned to thechase." The steer lie! over hill 
and vale, and filially look rem/* in a sedge-patch. 



14 



As a dernier resort, they set fire to the sedge-patch 
and captured him. I am officially informed that 
after he was butchered, his net weight was pre- 
cisely forty-eight pounds ! And, sir, I am honored 
with a promise of a " hind-quarter" of the next 
steer of that sort that is taken. 

The distinguished Virginia orator proceeds thus 
in portraying Virginia pro g r e ss and prosperity: 

" And yet, while your trust has been in the hands of the 
old negroes (if the plantation — while the master knows as 
little as his slave about the science, the applied science of 
agriculture, while commerce, and manufactures, and mining 
have been hardly known, and agriculture has been neg- 
lected—notwithstanding all that, and notwithstanding the 
effect of this has been that you have parted with as much 
population as you have regained ; notwithstanding all this, 
1 say. old Virginia still has a million and a half of popula- 
tion left Within her limits. She still has her iron, her coal, 
her gypsum, her salt, her copper. She still has her harbors 
and rivers, and her water power, and every source of 
wealth which thinking men, active men, enterprising men, 
need apply to." * * * " Her head is in the dust. With 
all this plenitude of power, she has been dwarfed in the 
Union ; but by her gods ! I say that she has the power now, 
the energy, the resources — may 1 say the men? to be put 
upon the line of progress to the eminence of prosperity — to 
pass New York yet, faster in the Union than ever New 
York has passed her. [Cheers.] You have been called 
the •' ( Mil Dominion." Let us, as Vircinians, I implore 
you, this night resolve that a new era shall dawn, anil that 
henceforth she shall be called the New Dominion. [Cheer- 
in?-]"' 

May God grant it, Mr. Chairman ! Let Vir- 
ginia wake up from her lethargy, shake off the 
chains which weigh down her energies, and join 
in that onward march of progress which will 
bring prosperity to her, glory and renown to our 
common country, and blessings to the whole hu- 
man family. 

Again, he is reported as having said at another 
place: 

" You all own plenty of land, but it is poverty added to 
poverty. Poor laud added to poor land, and nothing added 
to nothing gives nothing. [Renewed laughter.] While 
the owner is talking politics at Richmond, or in Congress, 
Or spending the summer at the White Springs, the lands 
grow poorer and poorer, and this soon brings land, negroes 
and all, under the hammer. You have the owners skin- 
ning the negroes, and the negroes skinning the land, until 
all grow poor." 

I will not be regarded, I trust, as indorsing the 
truth of this over-wrought picture of desolation. 
1 do not know that it is just — in fact, I do not be- 
lieve it is just. I certainly should not have ven- 
tured anywhere to have uttered it; but I use it 
as a reply from a southern statesman, to the claim 
of the gentleman from Georgia for the superiority 
of slave labor and the blessings of slavery. It 
comes from the Democratic candidate for the 
gubernatorial chair of Virginia, and must be re- 

farded, in the South at least, as high authority. 
make these quotations, from southern statesmen 
of the olden times and of the present, in justifica- 
tion of my own position in reference to slavery, 
and the effects of slave labor. I trust, hereafter, 
no southern man, will charge me with being a 
" Free-Soiler," dealing unjustly by the South. 

Mr. Chairman, why was the Missouri compro- 
mise repealed ? I repeat, that the responsibility 
must rest on the heads of those who are guilty 
of the act. No one will share more largely in that 
responsibility than the gentleman from Georgia, 
[Mr. Stkpiiens.] His voice and his influence on 
this floor passed that bill. He was the master- 
spirit in the great movement, and his intolerance 
towards the minority during the contest is known 
to the country. He need not lay the flattering 



unction to his soul that in the late elections the 
question was not considered by the people. The 
" vox populi" has been sent forth from mountain 
top and valley; from palace and from log-cabin; 
and it will, ere long, be reverberated in this Hall, 
in tones not to be misunderstood either by the 
gentleman or the party in power, with whom he 
acts, in the language of the maxim: " Cessa reg- 
nare si non vis judicare .'" •' Cease to rule if you 
will not do justice." 

Mr. Chairman, the gentleman seems to be 
amazed at my temerity, in entering the lists of 
debate with him. I have no apologies to make. 
He seems, too, to compare me to the " wild boy 
of the forest!" When I was, in truth, a " wild 
boy of the forest," I remember to have read a 
story of one who exhibited a disposition some- 
what similar to that which the gentleman has 
displayed on this floor,»in pressing the extension 
of slavery. I think he will find it regularly re- 
ported in the Book of Samuel ! The Philistines 
were led on against the armies of Israel by one 
who seemed amazed that any warrior should have 
the temerity to meet him: 

"The staff of his spear was like a weaver's beam, and 
his spear's head weighed six hundied shekels of iron : and 
one bearing a shield went before him. 

" And he had a helmet of brass upon his head, and he 
was armed with a coat of mail, and the weight of the coat 
was five thousand shekels of brass." 

In short, Mr. Chairman, the old Philistine had 
brass all over him. 

" And he stood and cried to the armies of Israel :" * * 
" Choose you a man for you, and let him come down to me. 

" When Saul, and all Israel, heard these words of the 
Philistine, they were dismayed, and greatly afraid. " 

But, Mr. Chairman, the record goes on to state, 
that there came up a " wild boy from the forest," 
who had taken the lion by the beard, and smote 
and slew him, and delivered the lamb from his 
mouth. He came with simple sling and stone, 
and went to battle upon his confidence in the 
justice of his cause. The brass of the Philistine 
did not save him, because there was a soft place 
in his head ! 

" And David put his hand into his bag, and drew thence 
a stone, and slang it, and smote the Philistine in the fore- 
head ; and the stone sunk into his forehead, and he fell 
upon his face, to the earth !" 

Thus, Mr. Chairman, fell Goliah of Gath! 

I see the statement made in the papers, Mr. 
Chairman, that the manner of the gentleman front 
Georgia, in his discussion on this subject, bore a 
strong resemblance to that remarkable man, John 
Randolph, of Roanoke. This may be true. I 
am willing the compliment should be conferred 
upon him; but, sir, I have to say, that were the 
real " old Roanoke" to rise up from his grave, and 
with hiscutting sarcasm, shrill voice, and bony fin- 
ger, attempt to deter me from my humble defense 
of freedom, I would simply quote the fact, that 
when he was preparing his accounts for eternity, 
one of his last acts on earth was to give freedom 
to his slaves, and furnish them homes in Ohio ! 

Mr. Chairman, this controversy is closed, at 
least for the present. I leave it as I entered it — ■ 
with no personal feeling of unkindness towards 
the gentleman from Georgia, or any other member 
on this floor. I am firmly, resolutely determined 
in the future, as I have been in the past, to oppose 
the extension of slavery; but I seek no conspicu- 
ous position in any struggle, A few more short 
days, and we separate — many of us to meet no 



15 



more on this side of Jordan. Before nnoiher 
Congress convenes, my mortal remains may sleep 
under the shade of my native buckeye, and I 
desire we should part in pence. If life is spared 
me, however, 1 shall return to these scenes of 
strife, in obedience to the decree of the people. I 
shall come to respect the feelings and opinions of 
others, yet determined to defend my own prin- 
ciples, and the rights of my constituents, under all 
circumstances, and at all hazards! And, sir, I 
believe there will be many others from the wild- 
wood of the free forests, each of whom will come 
here with his "five smooth stones gathered from 
the brook," ready to defend the right. Should I 
6tand alone, believing that my position on this 
subject is founded upon the immutable principles 
of God's justice, I shall not be dismayed when 
the wild storm may rage in these Halls. Planting 
myself firmly upon thqeomnciples of liberty and 
truth and national honor, as proclaimed by the 
founders of the Republic, if the Philistines gather 
around in battle array, I will draw my feeble bltide, 
and bid defiance in the language of the gallant 
Fitz James, when surrounded by the clan of Rod- 
erick: 

" Come one, come all— this rock shrill fly 
From its firm base, as soon as I !" 

ATTENDIX. 
Prodccts of Aoriccltcre — (Quantities taken from Cen- 
sus Prires from the New York Prices Current, January 
25, 1855.) 

GEORGIA. 
Value of live-stock, (returned in dollars) ©25,728,411) 



Sugar, maple,,, 50 pounds at 6.. 3 

Sun.'ir, emir Ml'.,' i'.i •• at C. . i'i '■ I 

M m 'j in,'.' 1.) fallow «t 

Cotton, finned. 189,086,400 poundi «i '•'■ • 

Uee 38,060,69] " m 3.. L,ll 

Tobacco 493,994 " at 10.. 

Wool 'J'jn, 111 it " nt SB.. 346,508 

■ soona.... 813 

Wine 796 pJ - nt 100.. 71m 

Family good*, value of, (retained In doUnn) . , 1 ,407 ,630 

$107/ 



onto. 

Value of live-stock, (return. -d 111 dollai 

Vaiui- of animalt slaughtered, do 

Wheat 14,487,351 bnabele, ut V- "-'•"•■• 



Value of animals slaughtered, do 

Wheat 1,0*8.534 bushels at $2 25.. 

Rye 53,750 « 

Oats 3,830,044 " 



Indian corn 30,060,099 " 

Potatoes, Irish.. 227,379 " 

Potatoes, sweet, 6,9:-6,428 " 

Barley 11,501 " 

Buckwheat .... 250 " 

Hay 23,449 tons 

Hops 261 pounds at 

Clover seed 132 bushels at 

Other grass seed 428 " at 

Butter 4,640,559 pounds at 

Cheese 46 ; 976 " at 

Peas and beans, 1,142,011 bushels at 

Value of produce of market gardens, (as re- 
turned in dollars) 

Value of orchard products, do 

Beeswax and 
honey 732,514 pounds at 25.. 

Home manufactures 1,838,968 



at 1 35.. 

at 60.. 

at 1 00.. 

at 2 00.. 

at 2 00.. 

at 1 15.. 

at 1 50.. 

at 16 CO.. 

30.. 

6 00.. 

4 00.. 

20.. 

10.. 

1 50.. 



6,339,762 

2,449,201 

72,562 

2,292,026 

30,080,019 

454,758 

13,972,856 

13,226 

375 

375,184 

78 

792 

1,712 

928,111 

4,697 

1,713,016 

76,500 
92,776 

133,128 



Flaxseed 

Flax 

Hemp, dew rot- 
ted and water- 
rotted 



622 bushels at fl 75.. 
5,387 pounds at 10.. 



10 tons at 175 00. 



1,088 
538 



1.7.-.0 



it 1 35 . . 

at 60.. 

at 100.. 

at BOO. 

at 2 00.. 

at 1 15, - 

at I :.u . 

at 16 00 > 



Rye 495,918 " 

Oau 13,479,749 " 

Indian corn ....66 078,695 " 

Potatoes, Irish.. 5,057,769 " 

Potatoes, sweet. 187,901 " 

Barley 354,358 " 

Buckwheat 63S,f:60 " 

Hay 1,443,142 tons, 

Cincinnati price $ 

Hops 63,731 pounds, at 30.. 

Clover seed 103,197 bushels, at .*8 00.. 

Other grass seeds 37,310 " at 4 00.. 

Butter 34,449,379 pounds, at 20.. 

Cheese 20,819,542 " at 10.. 

Peas and beans. 60,168 bushels, at 150.. 

Value of produce of market gardens, (as re- 
turned in dollars) 

Value of orchard products, as returned in dol- 
lars) 

Beeswax and honey, 804.275 pounds, at 25.. 

Home manufactures, (value returned in dollars) 

Flaxseed 188,850 bushels, at fl 75.. 

Flax 446,932 pounds, at 10.. 

Hemp, dew-rot- 
ted and water- 
rotted 150 tons, at 175 00.. 

Sugar, maple... 4,588.209 pounds, at 6.. 

Sugar-cane none. 

Molasses 197,308 gallons, at 

Cotton, ginned.. none. 

Bice none. 

Tobacco 10,454,449 pounds, nt 

Wool 10,196,371 " at 

Silk cocoons. . . 1,552 

Wine 48,207 gallons, at 100.. 

Family goods, value of, (returned in dollars) . . 



|44,191,74] 

7,1. 

'■.,351 
574,1)89 
8,0- 

10,11 
375,809 

23,090,272 
19,119 

1 19,940 
6,8* 

2,1) 

1 

214,004 

695,921 
201,068 
551,193 

44.693 



26,250 
275,299 



95 . 



10. 

35.. 






1,045 lit 

3,568,729 

1,853,937 



Georgia products 107 .t 



Ohio ahead of Georgia §97, 133,015 



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